On Tuesday, King Khesar began his program with a ceremonial welcome at the forecourt of Rashtrapati Bhawan. He then laid a wreath at the memorial of Mahatma Gandhi at Raj Ghat.

Indian External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna called on the King Khesar Taj Mahal Hotel. Together they traveled to Hyderabad House to meet the Prime Minister Singh.

The delegation-level talks between the king and the prime minister were followed by more restricted consultations. The discussions culminated into signing ceremony on nearly a dozen agreements, including on hydropower, civil aviation, health and IT.

King is scheduled to meet Vice President Hamid Ansari, UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi and Leader of Opposition Sushma Swaraj.

The hydropower projects are to be build under Indian government or private sector investment while the hospital will be built on the lines of the All-India Institute of Medical Sciences.

However, during his first maiden visit to any foreign country after his coronation as the fifth King in November last year, King Khesar might not be able to sign agreement for construction of railway tracks that would enhance Bhutanese export industries.

The delay in finalizing procedures for land acquisition in some tea garden in neighboring Indian districts led to omission of the project for discussion during this royal visit.

The MoUs on initiating the detailed project reports (DPRs) on the hydel projects will be inked under the 60-year umbrella agreement signed in 2006. Originally India planned to import 5,000 MW from Bhutan by 2020 but this has been doubled under an accelerated hydel power development agreement.

During the King’s visit, the MoUs will be signed on initiating DPRs for the Amochhu (620 MW), Kuvi-Gongi (1800 MW), Kholongchhu (486 MW) and Chamkarchu-I (670 MW) projects.

King Khesar is scheduled to meet with the political leadership including President Pratibha Patil, Vice-President Hamid Ansari, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, United Progressive Alliance Chairperson Sonia Gandhi and External Affairs Minister S. M. Krishna.

Contrast to Indian foreign minister’s statement two years ago that Bhutanese refugees is an international issue, Sood told journalists in Jhapa on Wednesday that it is a bilateral issue between Nepal and Bhutan. 

He added, the two countries – Nepal and Bhutan – should resolve mutually and that India will not intervene in the matter.
 

Ambassador Sood said that the exiled Bhutanese problem is very much on the way of being resolved thanks to the third country resettlement option. “One-fourth of the total exiled Bhutanese have already been resettled in various countries including America. This is a positive development towards its durable solution,” he added.

“Did the Bhutanese refugees fly over to Nepal from Bhutan without flying over the Indian Sky”? Or did they-the Bhutanese nationals-made a record high jump?

“Bhutan is presenting its human rights on the 6th session of the Human Rights Council Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review,” Karma Duptho told, “Unlike what Bhutan presents, ours is a reality.”

The DNC reported mentioned that without a direct counteraction from the opposition or Bhutanese dissidents, it will be convenient for the Bhutanese delegation to smother the actual facts.

We want to present concerns in the areas where the Bhutan Government deliberately conceals facts pertaining to human rights and participatory multi-party democracy.

“The purpose of this brief report is to bring to the fore the actual human rights situation in Bhutan,” Karma told Bhutan News Service.

Gurung, however, admitted that they wanted the Bhutanese students to support their movement on humanitarian grounds. “If they feel insure, they aren’t imposed to wear their traditional dresses,” Kuensel quoted as saying.

Earlier, various students’ unions pressurized the Bhutanese students studying in the hill districts to compulsorily follow dress.

Though the party membership had risen during the election time, the two parties DPT and PDP are now facing a shrinking of party numbers, with some members resigning and most not renewing membership.

The ruling party at the peak hours of elections had 12,197 registered members. The number has now dropped to 2,393 members. And that of opposition party PDP, membership is down to 800 from 8,000.

Only around 200 people have renewed their membership with DPT while those of DPT renewing their membership are around 100. 

The black days for PDP started with its founding president Sangay Ngedup resigning along with then party secretary Lam Kezang, 16 candidates and 20 other senior party leaders. 

Similarly, DPT has seen 183 party members resign, including three istrict coordinators from Pemagatshel, Paro and Trongsa.

The parties have not been able to operate their district level offices. Single person nominated as party representative and using their personal house as party office in district, are no more in place. The cause of these district coordinators leaving party is virtually the because of the party activities in the district and lack of fund in party treasury to pay them monthly salary. 

This has raised questions on the parties’ survival. Both parties are in debt and the only three permissible sources of revenue are party membership registration fee, annual membership renewal fee and donations, mainly from members.

The restrictive membership and donation rules made it very difficult for parties to live. Though the government had decided to donate some money from the national treasury to pay the debt for once, it failed to get materialized. Even the ruling party parliamentarians do not contribute to the party funds.

Money is needed if offices around the country are to function and the officer bearers paid. Both parties are in debt and have still not been able to repay bills, loans and advances that were taken during the run up to the election. The candidates themselves spent millions over and above party spending and campaign funds provided by the election commission.

With absolute majority for the ruling party, it is speculative but possible that in the next general elections, there could be only one party in the field with opposition party leaving it virtually.

The two governments made the pledge at a time when the alleged nexus between Maoist groups of Bhutan and militants in northeast India are reported to have been coming to the fore.

The decision follows the sixth Indo-Bhutan Border Meeting where Bhutanese Home Secretary Penden Wangchuk had expressed concern over reports that insurgents groups are being trained in the northeastern states of Nagaland and Manipur.

Wangchuk further warned that the rise in trainings of militants could be a threat to Bhutan.

“The insurgents are linked to Maoists and militants of eastern Nepal and they can pose a threat to security,” said Wangchuk.

Meanwhile, a member of the Indian delegation of the meeting said there were links between the Communist Party of Bhutan and northeast rebel groups like ULFA, NDFB and KLO.

Wangchuk also said the Bhutanese government would expedite the extensive patrolling to safeguard the border areas.

Disclosing that the India has given training support to Bhutanese police to strengthen and develop their capacity, Wangchuk further said that Bhutan was not in a position to give any opportunity to infiltrate the border.

The two governments also agreed that they would share any information regarding security and anti-government activities.

The joint committee of both the houses proposed that any bill, which is of paramount national importance and is acknowledged by everyone as urgent, should be declared as an urgent bill. It was proposed that the ruling government or any of the houses could propose an urgent bill. It should also secure two-third of the total votes to qualify as one.

But many members questioned whether the bill should be first submitted to parliament to be declared as an urgent bill. Some members said that submitting the bill to parliament was not necessary if the bill is proposed as urgent bill either by the government or any of the houses. “It will be a tedious process and a waste of time,” said Mongar’s Drametse Ngatsang MP, Ugyen Wangdi.

Gasa’s Goen Khatoey-Khamey MP, Damcho Dorji, said that if the government or either house submits a bill as an urgent bill, accepting it in the parliament should not be a problem. “Gaining two-third of the majority vote will cause problems, as some proposed urgent bills might not secure it,” he said. “In all democratic nations, a parliament accepts a urgent bill identified either by the government or the two houses.”

It was also proposed that, in future, a joint committee, similar to the committee formed to discuss the local government bill, will be formed to discuss disputed bills. The joint committee will resolve the differences between the two houses and seek to reach a consensus position acceptable to their respective houses.

The parliamentarians also proposed to reduce the joint sittings to a minimum.

While discussing the voting procedure for passing a bill, some parliamentarians argued that the speaker, as the MP of Radhi-Sakteng constituency, should be given the right to vote to make the final decision, in case the vote remains equal or fall shorts of a two-third majority vote. Some members quoted the example of the LG bill that could not be passed in the last assembly, which fell short by a vote. “If the Speaker was given the chance to vote, the bill could have passed gone through,” said one parliamentarian. But others argued that, since acquiring two-third of the majority vote is necessary, it is not necessary for the speaker to vote. Instead, the speaker should remain neutral and be fair.

A former member of the constitutional drafting committee said that the Speaker of National Assembly and the Chairperson of the National Council could vote only in case of equally divided votes by the members of their respective House. The word mentioned in the Constitution section is “deciding vote” in case of “equal votes” and not compulsory voting either by the Speaker or the Chairperson.

In case of a joint sitting, Article 13 section 4 mentions that the bill shall be passed “by not less than two-thirds of the total numbers of members of both the Houses present and voting”. Here the speaker is not included within the definition of “members present and voting” because the procedure for the joint sitting and the proceeding of either House are different. It is for this reason that the Constitution deliberately does not mention the word “casting vote” by the Speaker under Article 13 in case of joint sitting where he is the presiding officer.

A constitutional expert explained that given the need to protect the parliament as an independent organ of the Constitution, the Speaker could not play a bipartisan role. Once under oath he cannot be assumed to have political association once he is under the oath of affirmation as the Speaker of the Kingdom of Bhutan’ Parliament.

He also pointed out that it was also important for MPs to understand that, once elected, they represent the popular sovereignty of the people and therefore cannot assume sectarian representation in parliament. Thus, they are the delegates in the National Assembly of the people.

The speaker, however, said that these are all proposals and needs a deliberate discussion.

Source: Kuensel online

PM Thinley, who returned home yesterday, said that following his visit the two countries were able to strengthen and build linkages.

“I’ve come back with assured support and many opportunities”, added Thinley.

According to Thinley, he stressed on the greatest need for ambulances. “They’ve noted that,” said Thinley, who hoped that several ambulances and fire fighting engines may be forthcoming within this year.

During the eight-day visit to Japan, PM Thinley also met with the outgoing prime minister of Japan Taro Aso.

PM Thinley also expressed hope that the ratio of Japanese tourists to Bhutan would increase. He also said that an agreement would be signed between the government and JALPAK, which will formally recognise Bhutan as a high-end tourism destination.

PM Thinley had gone to Japan on the invitation of the junior chamber of commerce in Fukuoka district to speak on Gross National Happiness.

Meanwhile, a Buddhist group in Tokyo donated 400 bicycles and a non-government organisation AMDA donated a Japanese ambulance to Bhutan.

His Majesty King Jigme Khesar issued a royal kasho (decree) on August 28, commanding both houses to convene an “extraordinary sitting of Parliament” after the parliament could not pass two urgent bills, local government and civil service, during the third session in July.

Forty-four parliamentarians voted to pass the bill, while 23 voted against its passing. The LG Bill could not pass after the joint session failed to secure two-thirds majority by a single vote.

Instead of every Dzongkhag having an elected municipality, the committee has proposed that Dzongkhags with a significantly sized town have a class ‘A’ thromde.

The parliament had “unconstitutionally” appealed to the King to convene a special session to pass the two urgent bills, according to Constitution experts.